What is an elite?

It is common in political science to distinguish “elites” from “masses.” Elites are more polarized than masses, for example. We see this when comparing Congress to the public or activists to non-activists. But what is an elite?

I think it is useful to think of them as the folks who do the bargaining. It probably also matters that an elite “commands” some following. This doesn’t mean that they push people around. It just means that what elites say influence our vote choices — or the behavior of other elites elsewhere in the political system.

Looking at the matter in this way lets us see that democracy is a chain of nested coalitions. (Credit for that phrase goes to Hans Noel, who once used it in passing.) Elites might broker deals locally, then statewide, and then nationally. Some of those deals might concern which elites to send up to the next level.

This perspective also lets us add realism to some popular abstractions. I am thinking of social choice, Arrovian cycles, and Condorcet issues. Bargaining gets us to coalitions and therefore majority rule.

Bargaining does sometimes break down. Or the elites cut a deal we don’t like. The good news is that it’s easy for many to become elites (but see).

Good summary of my argument, plus a thought on lists

Ned Foley has an excellent summary of my technical argument about STV repeals.

I wonder if the fractional-transfer approach would mitigate vote leakage.

The problem is that voters don’t understand it, which is what spurred the original post.

I argue in the book that there are three ways to deal with this: have a multiparty system (that can dictate rankings and/or in which it is incentive-compliant for a majority to retain the system), use list-based allocation (possibly within STV), or somehow maintain a majority that can limit its own nominations.

My hunch is that similar issues (minus ranking and limiting endorsements) also might apply to D’Hondt. Thoughts?

The “disenfranchised independent” argument

The Fulcrum has a piece on “opening” New York State primaries. It makes a familiar argument:

Primary elections are crucial to our electoral outcomes because they determine which representatives have a better standing in the general election.

There is nothing stopping independent voters from running a candidate in a general election — except maybe their inability to agree on that candidate.

And getting people to agree on one candidate (or technically a number that can win) is a major reason why “parties” emerge.

I put “parties” in quotation marks for two reasons. One is that many hear it as an anti-reform cudgel. The other is that “parties” may not track the two-party divide. I am thinking here of quasi-party organizations like Cincinnati’s Charter Committee or the Murkowski organization in Alaska.

Numerous public officials have won office as independents. Names that come to mind include Bloomberg, Lieberman, Ventura, and Weicker. Each of them did so on their own ballot line in a general election.

It’s time to retire the claim that nominating primaries equal disenfranchisement.